Saturday 26 April 2014

Love in the Time of Khap

In Haryana, where honour killings no longer just elicit snorts of outrage, the march of modernity is diluting the khaps’ value systems.
Thirty-three-year-old Savita is nine months pregnant with her first child. After an eight-year-long struggle to convince her parents — proud Jats who abide by caste rules — of her love for her husband Jai Bhagwan, the child may well be the light at the end of a dark tunnel. “I think our child will help ease relationships,” she says, referring to her family’s refusal to speak to her husband or to allow him inside their house in Jind, Haryana.
Savita and Bhagwan met at the university in Kurukshetra where both were student leaders with the Students’ Federation of India. Bhagwan came from the backward “Zogi” caste and was a full-time activist, while Savita was a lecturer with an M Phil in mathematics. When they fell in love, and decided to marry, her family staunchly opposed the union. “He did not have a conventional job and my parents objected to the inter-caste alliance,” she says. “I feared for his life. More than my parents, my relatives’ ‘honour’ seemed to be at stake.” It has been more than three years since the couple married in Rohtak in December 2010, and Savita says that a lot has changed in these parts. “A few years ago, police used to abet khap killings. Now they are more sensitive and there are at least 15 protection homes across Haryana to safeguard couples in distress,” says Savita, who, inspired by her husband’s “devotion and dedication to addressing exploitation in our society”, quit her job to join the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) as a full-time activist.
Fortunately for her, Savita’s marriage did not directly assault the authority of a khap panchayat. Khaps have made it their mission to cauterise all “unacceptable” forms of love — between two people from the same gotra (lineage), the same gaon (village), or the same gawnd (neighbourhood) — by ordering killings in the name of honour and ostracising the lovers’ families. For many Jat couples in the khap belt, which includes parts of NCR, Haryana and Rajasthan, life oscillates between fear and hope; romance is veiled in the secrecy of cellphone conversations and stolen moments at the mall. Unlike in most university campuses, love doesn’t hang in the air at Rohtak’s Maharshi Dayanand University. Here, boys and girls don’t bunk classes and hang out; the campus rose garden is bereft of love birds. A sprawling mall with a cinema hall has come up just 200 metres from the university and it is the one place where lovers dare to go. But there is always the fear of being spotted by someone from the village.
Ajay Budhwar, an engineering graduate from Shri Baba Mast Nath University in Rohtak, believes love has nothing to do with marriage. In the heart of khapland, the 20-year-old Jat says a girl who agrees to be his girlfriend is not fit to be his wife. “College affairs are a pastime. You cannot spend your life with someone who lacks character,” he says. A resident of Sunaria village in Rohtak district, Budhwar, however, stops short of justifying honour killings. His cousin, who ran away with her lover on the day she was to be married to a man chosen by her parents, invited the wrath of the khap, which ordered the killing of the couple. “To save face, the girl’s younger sister had to marry the groom and the parents of the girl decided to kill the runaway couple, who are still absconding. It has been six months now,” he says.
Yet, scores of rebellious young couples continue to risk death for a chance at love and a hope that things will change. Law student Varsha Bhardwaj, a Jat from Rewari, says a relationship may stand a chance if it doesn’t directly go against khap rules. At least she hopes hers will. Her boyfriend belongs to a different gotra, a different village and a different neighbourhood, and she hopes they can be married without raising hell.
Tulsi Grewal, 35, is on the other side of the discourse. The self-styled pradhan of the Meham Chaubisi khap, the educated young man talks of the changing ideas and mindset of youth today and how they need to be accommodated. “There is nothing wrong with girls wearing jeans and talking on mobile phones when they go to study in the city. But they need to respect the sanctity of the village when they are here, and dress like the other women do,” he says. The youngest khap leader in India, Grewal says his khap has never ordered a killing. “It is wrong to malign the khaps as murder courts. It is the parents who are so shamed by their children that they are left with no option but to kill them to save face,” he says.
Now Grewal wants to convince parents “not to kill their children”. The owner of 70 acres of farmland in Meham village, he made headlines in local newspapers for convening a khap maha-panchayat on January 29 last month, inviting leaders of all the other khaps in Haryana. It was claimed to be the first attempt by the khaps to discuss the menace of “honour killings” that have rendered these local village councils infamous over the years. The idea of “honour” and “shame” is what needs to be debated and changed, says Grewal. “Now we have decided to form regional and national khap committees to look into this issue,” he says.
   
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Same-gotra and same-village marriage are the most important marital taboos in Haryana, and a famous example is that of Manoj and Babli’s marriage and their brutal murder in 2007. The couple broke two rules — not only did they belong to the same gotra, they were also from the same village, making them brother and sister in the eyes of the khap. But the first legal blow to the khap custodians came in March 2011, when a Haryana court sentenced five of the couple’s killers to death and one to life imprisonment.
Where the administration and police were once mute spectators, a new activism has brought joy to couples in distress. Twenty-year-old Kusum waits for her husband Hawa Singh at their one-room house in Jasbir Colony near the Sheila bypass in Rohtak. Kusum met Singh, a Jat, at a wedding in his village in Kalanaur five years ago.
They fell in love and would speak to each other on the phone, for Kusum lived far away, in Ajitpur village of Bhiwani district. But by the time Kusum finished her teacher’s training, her parents had already picked a groom for her. Sentiments flared when she declared her love; her father resorted to blackmail and threats. On June 24 last year, the lovers got a chance to meet and quietly married at a temple. Then, they ran away with the help of the AIDWA and the police to reach a protection home in Bhiwani on September 6, where they stayed there for seven days. During that week, the village sarpanch came to meet Kusum. “He said that my parents want me to get married socially, in front of the community,” she says. But Kusum sensed his words were too good to be true.
“I knew that if I went with the sarpanch, I would never come back. I knew they would kill me.” Meanwhile, her husband’s family, accepted the inter-caste union.
Ravinder Singh and Shilpa got married on April 24, 2009 at his uncle’s house in Bawana in outer Delhi.
Belonging to different gotras (Ravinder, a Gehlot, Shilpa, a Kadyan), the parents were in full agreement of the alliance and all was well. But then news of their wedding reached Ravinder’s village in Jhajjhar in Haryana, and the khap decided on boycotting Ravinder’s extended family who had been living there for generations. Khap panchayats from 12 villages gathered and declared the wedding illegal on the pretext that Gehlots and Kadyans had been in the village for generations, and hence could not marry. They could only be brother and sister. Ravinder and his family refused to obey the panchayat’s orders to divorce, and after deliberations, the khaps decided that the couple would have to leave the village and never return. The couple agreed, and now live happily in Delhi’s Sultanpuri area.
The cries of outrage against honour killings are no longer feeble today; they refuse to be muffled behind the curtain of social acceptance. Perhaps, it is now time for happy endings in khapland.
http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/love-in-the-time-of-khap/

Haryana Khap panchayat allows inter-caste marriages Press Trust of India | Hisar | April 21, 2014

The meeting of satrol khap panchayat in Narnaund town of Hisar on Sunday. Express Photo
Amending more than 600-year-old norms, a khap phanchayat here has allowed inter-caste marriages.
The historic decision was taken by a five-member committee of the Satrol khap panchayat in Narnid village of the district here on Sunday.
The panchayat also allowed marriages within 42 villages under its jurisdiction, which till now was banned.The khap, however, continued to ban inter-caste marriages in the same and bordering villages and same-gotra marriages.
The state is notorious for honour killing of young men and women who dare to marry outside their caste.
   
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Terming the move as “courageous”, head of the Satrol khap panchayat Subedar Indra Singh told PTI, “The decision was taken in the wake of declining male-female sex ratio in the state and the changing social fabric of the society.
“The decision has been taken in order to improve male-female sex ratio in the state. The current norms in marriage were some 600-700 years old and now, times have changed,” said Singh, emphasizing that the changes in the society could not be ignored.
“Nowadays, interaction between men and women has increased and it is not possible to keep them away from each other. Getting into love relationships is very common.”
“Incidents of honour killings have taken place owing to khap norms on marriages. Cases of female foeticide have also led us to take this decision,” Singh said.
He, however, denied any case of honour killing or female infanticide taking place in the villages under Satrol khap panchayat.
The decision has been welcomed by heads of various other khap panchayats in Haryana and many of them are mulling the idea of implementing the decision in their respective regions as well.
National spokesperson of Sarvajat-Sarvakhap panchayat Sube Singh Samaen said it was a historic decision and efforts would be made to implement the order in other panchayats also.
Representative of Naugaon khap in Jind district and sarpanch of the Bibipur village Sunil Jaglan said, “It is a brave move and has showed the way to other khaps also.”
Lauding the decision, Kandela khap panchayat head Tekram Kandela said they planned to call a mahapanchayat of heads to prepare a memorandum to make amendments in Hindu Marriage Act, which bars marriage within same gotra and village.
“We will hand over the memorandum to the President and Prime Minister of the newly elected government to amend laws in the Hindu Marriage Act,” said Kandela.
Some khap panchayats have, however, opposed the decision.http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/haryana-khap-panchayat-allows-inter-caste-marriages/

Storm in a khap: first woman member aims to bridge gender bias

Written by Aniruddha Ghosal | Narnaud | April 25, 2014 3:59 amSudesh Choudhury at Satrol khap meeting Thursday.
She was, noticeably, the only woman present at the meeting of the the Satrol khap panchayat being held in Narnaud village in Hisar. But after being inducted as a member of the 650-year-old khap, Sudesh Choudhury aims to change that.
After lifting the ban on inter-caste marriages and inter-village marriages, sarpanch Inder Singh Mor — who heads the khap — has appointed Sudesh Choudhury as the head of the khap’s newly-formed ‘Mahila Wing’.
“Khap panchayats have earned themselves the reputation of being anti-women. We want to change that and we want to increase the relevance of women in the panchayat meetings. Hopefully, more women will come and through the mahila wing, their problems will get voiced,” Inder Singh said.
A former subedar-major in the Indian Army, Inder Singh has been at the forefront of modernising the Satrol khap, which oversees a 42-village cluster and is one of the state’s largest khaps. He’s already appointed a spokesperson for the khap, but the creation of the mahila wing, he said, was inevitable and much needed.
   
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“There will be a wedding soon between members of two villages. Something which hasn’t ever happened with approval. But for this we need women representatives of the khap to be present,” he said.
After the April 20 meeting of the Satrol khap ruled to allow inter-caste and inter-village marriages, Sudesh’s first task is to ensure that the first such marriage, between a boy from Rajthal village and a girl in Puthi village, takes place without a hitch.
“I am talking to both families, making sure there are no objections. But in the long run, it is important that young girls of marriageable age are also involved in the khaps,” she said.
“Young girls should also get to know which villages they might get married into. They should know where to maintain brotherhood, after all they might married into those villages,” she added.
Sudesh, who is in her thirties, added that she had already begun talking to women in different villages and they had all showed interest in getting involved with the khap. “Women, especially young women, had shown great interest in what happens in and around their village.
They want to talk about the issues that affect them, but haven’t had a chance until now to do so,” she added.
Her induction took place during a meeting in Narnaud on Thursday, where discussions were focused on the decision to allow inter-caste marriages and dominated by the presence of youth. “Usually khaps consist of old people and consequently we don’t get to know about what the youth wants,” said Mor.
Anurag Thakur, 26, one of the youngest present at the khap, explained that this decision was the only way to make progress. “Earlier, talk of brotherhood remained limited to turbans and not ghagras. This will change, especially with the mahila wing,” he said.
http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/storm-in-a-khap-first-woman-member-aims-to-bridge-gender-bias/

bhagana voice in jnu

Friday 25 April 2014

Daughter of Indian-American billionaire allegedly blackmailed over nude pics Diaspora | Indo-Asian

Washington:  A former boyfriend of Indian-American billionaire investor Vinod Khosla's daughter has been charged with threatening to publish her naked photos as part of an extortion plot.

FBI agents last week arrested Douglas Tarlow, 27, a Stanford University graduate, who dated Khosla's daughter Nina for about two years, in connection with the alleged extortion plot, according to The Smoking Gun, an investigative news site. Tarlow was subsequently released from custody and is scheduled for a US District Court preliminary hearing on Friday.

Mr Khosla, the 59-year-old venture capitalist who co-founded Sun Microsystems, is worth $1.5 billion, according to a recent Forbes magazine estimate.

According to the Smoking Gun, Tarlow allegedly threatened to distribute the naked images online, warning in one e-mail that, "Everything is going to reddit. From there, it will be impossible to remove from the internet forever."

In a text message to Nina Khosla's mother Neeru, who was sent the nude photos, Tarlow stated, "it seems you're going to be the mother of the next Paris Hilton," investigators allege.

The FBI's investigation of Tarlow is detailed in a court affidavit sworn by Agent Glenn Solomon-Hill, who is assigned to the bureau's San Francisco's office.

While the FBI affidavit does not name Tarlow's alleged targets, The Smoking Gun said it has confirmed that the Khoslas are the victims referred to in the document.

Nina Khosla, 26, declined to answer questions from the news site about the case. "I'd prefer that you didn't write about that," Mr Khosla was quoted as saying.

She added that her family contacted law enforcement authorities soon after receiving threatening communications. 

Tarlow and Nina Khosla, who met in 2007, dated for about two years before breaking up in late-2010. 

The couple, who studied in Stanford's Product Design programme, started Lokho, a design firm for which Ms Khosla registered a web site in mid-2009.

During their relationship, Khosla "voluntarily took nude photos and video," which she shared with Tarlow, according to Agent Solomon-Hill as cited by the Smoking Gun.

In September 2012, Nina and Neeru Khosla each received a series of texts from Tarlow's phone number. The messages included several naked photos of Nina Khosla taken during the period she dated Tarlow.

In subsequent communications, Tarlow allegedly sought $72,000, which he claimed the Khosla foundation owed him. 

In the final e-mail cited by investigators, Tarlow allegedly wrote to Neeru Khosla on December 14. 

He attached "a different nude picture" of her daughter, and asked, "Do you still want to buy these?' 

The Smoking Gun said Tarlow did not respond to an e-mail sent to his Gmail account, nor to voicemail messages left on several phone numbers he has used.
http://www.ndtv.com/article/diaspora/daughter-of-indian-american-billionaire-allegedly-blackmailed-over-nude-pics-513654?fb

वोट तो लेते रहेंगे, कभी पानी भी देंगे...

आभा शर्मा

 शुक्रवार, 25 अप्रैल, 2014 
"हमारी गाय भी खारा पानी पीने को मजबूर है. मैं सुबह पांच बजे उठकर घर की झाड़-बुहारी, गाय का बाड़ा साफ़ करना, उसे चारा देना, दूध निकालना...सब काम करती हूं. उसके बाद हम पानी भरने जाते हैं. बहुत देर से जाएं तो तेज़ धूप हो जाती है, सूरज तपने लगता है और पैर के नीचे रेत."
माथे पर घड़े रखकर दो मील जाना और फिर आना, आसान नहीं है पर क्या करें?
हर तरफ़ रेत के टीले... हरियाली के नाम पर खेजड़ी, बबूल और जाल के पेड़. और खुशनुमा रंगों के नाम पर महज़ कैर के बौर और नागफ़नी की झाड़ियों के फूल.
रेगिस्तान की तपती दुपहरी में सन्नाटा तोड़ती ऊंट गाड़ी की रुनझुन. बाड़मेर ज़िला मुख्यालय से करीब 150 किलोमीटर दूर बसा है गांव जुड़ियां, ग्राम पंचायत झणकली, तहसील शिव.
26 साल की मूली सिंह इसी गाँव में छह साल पहले बहू बनकर आई. मायका चौहटन भी इसी ज़िले में है पर वहां पानी की बेरियां, टांके हैं गांव के नज़दीक. इसलिए मीठे पानी की भारी किल्लत नहीं. ससुराल में आकर देखा कि यहां तो “मीठा पानी है ही नहीं तो लाएं कहां से?”

अनमोल है पानी

मीठा पानी यानी पीने का पानी. मूली सिंह के लिए गले की प्यास का मतलब है पांवों के सहारे मीलों चलना. वह जब पानी के बारे में बताने लगीं तो हमें लगने लगा कि पानी वाकई अनमोल है.
उन्होंने कहा, ''हम लोग 1000-800 रुपए देकर मीठे पानी का टैंकर मंगाते हैं. कितने दिन चलेगा ये और इतने पैसे लाएं कहां से? सबसे मोटा खर्चा पानी का ही है."
उन्होंने कहा कि अपने बच्चों पर भी उतना खर्च नहीं करते जितना पानी के लिए. घी ढुल जाए, तो उतनी तकलीफ़ नहीं होती जितना पानी की एक बूंद बर्बाद होने से. घी तो हमारी गाय दे देती है पर पानी?
''मेरी सास भी जब से शादी होकर आईं, कई मील दूर से पानी लेकर आ रही हैं. अब मैं भी वही करती हूं. मैं क्या, पूरे गांव की सभी लड़कियों, बहुओं, औरतों को पानी लेने जाना पड़ता है- क़रीब दो मील दूर. पर वह भी खारा है. खारे पानी में साबुन लगता नहीं है, बर्तन अच्छे साफ़ होते नहीं हैं, बाल गिरते हैं सो अलग."
उन्होंने कहा कि गांव में कोई अच्छी सुविधाएं नहीं हैं पढ़ाई की. एक सरकारी स्कूल है आठवीं क्लास तक का. पर एक दिन खुलता है तो सात दिन बंद. मास्टर तो पहुंचते ही नहीं, बस यहां आती नहीं. बाहर का मास्टर यहां रहना नहीं चाहता. सूट नहीं करता यहां का खारा पानी उन्हें.

पानी को तरसते लोग

बाड़मेर ज़िले के अधिकतर क्षेत्रों में पानी की कमी है. ख़ासतौर पर खारे पानी की समस्या बहुत अधिक है. रेत के टीलों और छितरी हुई आबादी वाले इस ज़िले के आठ खंडों में से करीब छह में भूजल का बहुत दोहन हुआ है. बाक़ी इलाक़े भी संकटग्रस्त श्रेणी में हैं. भूजल में लवण की अधिक मात्रा भूगर्भीय मिट्टी की संरचना की वजह से है. जिसके कारण पानी का बहाव बाधित होता है. बाड़मेर का करीब 60 प्रतिशत इलाक़ा इसी तरह का है. 2006 में आई बाढ़ में जिप्सम और अन्य खनिजों की उपस्थिति के कारण कवास और मलवा गांव बड़े लंबे समय तक जलमग्न रहे. इन दो गांवों को छोड़कर बाड़मेर के दूसरे तमाम गांवों में जलसंकट बना हुआ है.
''हम हर चुनाव में वोट डालते हैं जिससे हमारे नेता हमें कुछ सुविधाएं दें. पर सब वादे तो खूब करते हैं पर पूरे नहीं करते. वोट लेकर चला जाए, वह नेता किस काम का."

बस वादे

उन्होंने कहा, ''वादे तो सब करते हैं- मीठे पानी का, लड़कियों के लिए स्कूल का, पर पूरा करते नहीं. आदर्श नेता तो ऐसा ही होना चाहिए न! उसका कर्तव्य तो यही है पर सब मुकर जाते हैं."
मूली सिंह ने कहा कि आखिर प्रजातंत्र क्या है? यही न कि जनता नेता को सोच-समझकर चुने और हमारा काम नहीं करे तो अगली बार उसे बाहर कर दे. हर किसी को यह स्वतंत्रता है कि वो अपनी मर्ज़ी से वोट दे.
''हम इस चुनाव में देखकर वोट देंगे कि हमारा नेता हमारे लिए पानी लाएगा या नहीं लाएगा. हम ऐसे को ही चुनेंगे जो वादा पूरा करे. पर क्या कह सकते हैं वो पूरा करेंगे या नहीं? हम उनके अंदर झांककर तो देख नहीं सकते."
मूली सिंह ने कहा कि वोट में बड़ी ताक़त तो ज़रूर है, एक भरोसा है. नेता कैसे बनते हैं? जनता के वोट से ही तो. पर फिर भी जनता को ही धोखा देते हैं. कहते हैं आपको घड़ा लेकर बाहर नहीं जाना पड़ेगा, मीठा पानी मिलेगा पर फिर पांच साल के लिए ग़ायब.
''रेगिस्तान में सबसे पहली बड़ी ज़रूरी चीज़ है मीठा पानी. फिर बिजली. बिजली होगी तो बच्चे पढेंगे. उसके बाद सड़क. बाक़ी पैसे होंगे तो लोग सब सुविधा की चीजें ख़ुद ही जुटा लेंगे. पर सड़क तो लोग ख़ुद बना नहीं सकते, पाइपलाइन ख़ुद डाल नहीं सकते. यह सब तो सरकार के ही हाथ में है."

फिर भी अच्छा है गांव

महेश पनपालिया, सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता

बाड़मेर का भौगोलिक क्षेत्र बहुत बड़ा है. इलाक़े में औसत से कम वर्षा होती है और आबादी बहुत छितरी हुई है. इसलिए अभी तक कई जगह पाइपलाइन से पानी नहीं पहुंचा है. नर्मदा नहर और राजस्थान नहर जैसी बड़ी महत्वाकांक्षी योजनाओं का भी लाभ एक चौथाई बाड़मेर को भी नहीं मिला है. समस्या की सबसे बड़ी वजह स्थानीय जनप्रतिनिधियों में इच्छाशक्ति की कमी है. आज़ादी के बाद अब तक किसी ने गंभीरता से इस समस्या की ओर ध्यान नहीं दिया है.
उन्होंने कहा, ''हमारा गांव भी अच्छा बने, सबको सुविधाएं मिलें, बस यही चाहते हैं. परेशानियां तो हैं पर मैं निराश नहीं हूं. उम्मीद तो है कि कभी तो कोई नेता भगवान बनकर ज़रूर आएगा. लोग कहते हैं शहर में होते तो अच्छा होता क्योंकि वहां सुविधाएं हैं. पर शुद्ध-खुला वातावरण छोड़कर कोई शहर क्यों जाए? गांव तो बहुत अच्छा है. मुश्किलें हैं वो अलग बात है."
''अपना गांव छोड़कर शहर जाना कोई अच्छी बात नहीं है. शहर तो मजबूरी में जाते हैं कमाई के लिए. मेरे पति भी गए हैं. मैं सास-ससुर बच्चों को लेकर गांव में रहती हूं."
मूली सिंह ने कहा, ''हम शहर क्यों जाएं? हमारे गांव में ही सब सुविधाएं होनी चाहिए. यहां की मिट्टी में हमारे जड़ें हैं. हमारे बच्चों ने यहां पहली किलकारी ली है, आंखें खोली हैं, हमने उनका जन्मदिन मनाया है, कितनी सारी यादें इस मिट्टी से जुड़ी हैं."
''मेरे दो बेटे हैं. उन्हें खूब पढ़ाना चाहती हूं. मेरी और मेरी सास की उम्र तो पानी भरने में ही निकलती जा रही है. सोचती हूं कि कम से कम मेरी बहुओं के साथ तो ऐसा न हो."
उन्होंने कहा, ''मेरी उम्मीद है कि कम से कम अगली पीढ़ी की ज़िंदगी तो पानी लाने में ही ख़त्म न हो. परेशानियां तो हैं पर मैं निराश नहीं हूं. उम्मीद तो है कि कोई नेता भगवान बनकर ज़रूर आएगा. कभी तो वो सुबह आएगी.''
http://www.bbc.co.uk/hindi/india/2014/04/140425_last_mile_rajasthan_barmer_electionspl2014_pk.shtml?ocid=socialflow_facebook

Thursday 24 April 2014

Jind village sarpanch leads crusade against veil

 Parvesh Sharma Tribune News Service
Jind, April 23
In the male-dominated Jat land, where women never even dare to speak in front of the male members of their families, woman sarpanch of Chappar village, Neelam, has been trying to end the centuries-old tradition of “ghoonghat” (veil).
The sarpanch, with the help of other like-minded women, has been organising special lectures and interactions to end the custom of veil, which she sees as a major hurdle in the progress of women.
“Ghoonghat is a big obstacle for progressive women. Time is changing now and women want to shun this burden and they just need a push and inspiration. I am trying to convince women to shun it,” Neelam said.
She is a daughter of a former serviceman and has studied till senior secondary level. Her family is settled in Sonepat. She got married to a farmer of Chhapar village, Sohan Lal, in 1999. Initially, she tried to convince village women secretly to shun the veil, but when she did not get the desired support, in 2007 she launched a campaign, with the help of her husband, to spread awareness about women rights and against social evils such as dowry and female foeticide.
“We have the support of maximum women of the village and all want to join us. But many still do not come out openly due to the fear of their husbands. Their number is rising and now many women of other villages also want our help to fight against social evils and shun the veil,” Neelam added.
It was the result of her rising popularity that she became the village sarpanch in 2010 and has received many awards like the state award and an award for providing proper drinking water to the village. The Jind administration has also honoured her for her work.
Though the number of women joining her campaign is rising slowly, it has divided the village males in two groups as some support her while others do not. Many villagers said they did not have any problem if their women wanted to do away with the veil while others said they would never allow their women to shun it.
“Ghoonghat ab jaruri nahi raha samay badal raha hai, (The veil is not necessary anymore, times are changing),” said a youngster Suresh, standing near the village Chaupal.
But old-aged Krishan intervened and asserted that it was a must for all women to maintain the dignity of the family.
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2014/20140424/haryana.htm#8

Wednesday 23 April 2014

Asia Time Online - Daily NewsSouth Asia
     Mar 28, '14



'Sex symbols' a poor proxy in Sri Lanka
By Eve Aronson, Marlijn Meijer, Eleonora Maria Mazzoli and Filiz Dagci

A movie star, a beauty queen and a popular model are among candidates running in Sri Lankan's provincial elections on March 29, leading some Sri Lankans to accuse political parties of pushing "sex symbols" in the name of female political representation.

The arrival of models and actresses onto the political stage, with their pictures splashed across newspapers, is beginning to make


voters wonder about the political motivation behind such moves.

"Today, we must grapple with the possibility that celebrities, mainly women celebrities, are being used as smokescreens in politics," said Colombo-based human rights advocate Ayanthi, who did not want to be identified out of fear of repercussions by the government.

Sri Lanka does not hold a particularly boastful track record on women's representation in politics, and theit consistently low participation, with only about 5% of parliamentarians being female (compared with about 10% in India) adds to suspicions about the sudden influx of unconventional female candidates this year.

Former Miss Sri Lanka and popular model Gayesha Perera, singer Ginger (Judith White), actress Ruwanthi Mangala and Malsha Kumaratunga, daughter of Minister of Posts and Telecommunications (and former actor himself) Jeevan Kumaratunga, are all candidates in Saturday's voting.

Ayanthi notes that discourse on the issue used to be dominated by women gaining political clout through male relatives. "We have witnessed women enter the political arena following the bereavement of a husband and/or father who had been a political figurehead," she said. "That's been the typical pattern until recently."

The appearance of the current crop of female candidates on ballot sheets raises questions about whether they are simply being used as political puppets to attract votes and to quell simmering discontent over the continued lack of serious women's participation in the upcoming elections.

Ayanthi and other advocates of greater participation of women in Sri Lankan politics can only guess about campaign agendas that are formed behind closed doors, while noting that blatant objectification is not new to female representatives in Sri Lanka.

During a session in parliament last year, Minister of Transport Kumara Welgama publicly announced his attraction towards United National Party (UNP) MP Rosy Senanayake: "I am so happy to answer a question by a beauty queen like Rosy Senanayake," the minister said. "You are such a charming woman. I have no words to describe my feelings. But if you meet me outside parliament, I will describe them." [1]

A January article in the Republic Square noted that there are systemic challenges in Sri Lanka that make it almost impossible for women to win seats, whether cultural, religious, nepotistic, or financial, that would allow them to establish themselves as credible politicians. [2]

"Reports have revealed that a large number of regional politicians with years of experience behind them have been neglected in favor of 'sex symbols'," notes Sri Lanka's Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) on their organization's website.

CaFFE was established in 2008 to monitor and ensure democratic processes in Sri Lanka. The organization acknowledges that including more women on the ballot is a positive step towards more equitable politics.

Nevertheless, the campaign affirms that politicians are sexualizing female candidates at the expense of more experienced women in the party, resulting in a loss of faith in democracy. "Sri Lankan politics have a dearth of strong female politicians, and the current actions of main political parties have contributed to the increasing loss of respect to politicians among the voters, which has an adverse effect on peoples faith in representative democracy."

Sri Lanka is not alone in contentious political representation. In South Asia, only 7% of women are members of political parties. [3] Low representation of women leaders across South Asia include Bangladesh (18.5% women members) and Bhutan (8.5% women in the National Assembly).

Sri Lanka boasts a 97% literacy rate among women. With a female literacy rate of just under 60% in Bhutan and 86% in Bangladesh, the higher presentation of women in politics than Sri Lanka is indicative of a disconnect between a literate, education female population and representation in the political sphere.

According to the United National Party's Rosy Senanayake, Sri Lanka is one of the countries worldwide with the least amount of women represented in politics. [4] Senanayake said: "The president pledged to increase female representation by 25%. But the Ministry of Child Development and Women's Affairs still couldn't enact laws to increase female representation over 30%."

In response to Senanayake, Minister of Child Development and Women's Affairs Tissa Karaliyadda said the government will not support certain international and local conventions aimed at improving gender equality in the country. [5] "Women enjoy equal recognition and protection. Most of these conventions go against our culture and religion," he said.

Fred Carver, of the Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice, a global organization, said in February that the Sri Lankan government was "not interested in constructive engagement at all".

Ayanthi reaffirmed Carver stating that political participation with a focus on women has not been a top concern for successive governments. "We must engage in a very serious discussion with the government to increase women's political participation," she says. "Most certainly to prevent the potential erosion of women's rights and agency as held at present."

The March 29 elections will then be more than routine provincial politics. This year's campaign has planted seeds of resistance among Sri Lankans who are now, more than ever, questioning and challenging the old guard.

Notes:
1. Welgama enthralled by Rosy's charms, Daily Mirror, December 3, 2012.
2. Backlash over 'sex symbol' candidates shows why female representation is such an important issue in Sri Lanka, The Republic Square, January 27, 2014.
3. See here.
4. Karaliyadda: Women's rights 'against our culture and religion', The Republic Square, December 9, 2013.
5. As for note 4.

Eve Aronson, Marlijn Meijer, Eleonora Maria Mazzoli and Filiz Dagci have backgrounds in journalism, international development, media and communication and women and gender studies.

This article was developed from a research project commissioned by Oxfam on Women and Peacebuilding. The project is being carried out at Utrecht University Data School in Utrecht, Netherlands, and will be presented at a symposium in May.

(Copyright 2014 Eve Aronson, Marlijn Meijer, Eleonora Maria Mazzoli and Filiz Dagci) http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/SOU-01-280314.html


India's women lose the election By Manipadma Jena

Asia Time Online - Daily NewsSouth Asia
     Apr 22, '14

NEW DELHI - "Men just do not want to give up their seats, it's as simple as that," says 67-year-old candidate in the Indian election Subhhasini Ali, voicing a gloomy view across women's groups in India.

Ali, a two-time member of Parliament and key functionary of the All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA), an arm of the Communist Party of India-Marxists (CPI-M), is contesting from Barrackpore, a constituency in the eastern Indian state West Bengal.

She is among a few women contesting. Political parties, even



those vociferously supporting reservation for women in parliament, have failed to put up on average even one woman for every 10 males contesting India's 543 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of parliament.

Women candidates are only 7% among 3,355 candidates in the first five phases of the nine-stage election, says the Delhi-based public interest organization, the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), that is campaigning for greater transparency and more inclusive representation in Indian elections.

Women activists looking at state-wise trends expect no improvement by way of inclusion of women in the final phases of the election.

Women constitute 388 million, or 47.6% of the 814.5 million voters eligible to vote in the election running from April 7 to May 12.

"When our presence is not considered important in the parliament, when decisions about our future are taken without consulting us, why should we cast our votes to elect another group of politicians who do not believe in the cause of women empowerment in this country," says Ranjana Kumari from the Delhi-based Centre for Social Research.

"This election, we get the feeling that we have lost. Women are getting more and more sidelined," Jyotsna Chatterji from the non-profit Joint Women's Programme tells IPS.

In the 15th general election in 2009, 556 women out of 8,070 contestants from 363 political parties were given tickets to contest, according to data from the Election Commission. That was just 6.9% of the candidates, making representation in this election hardly better. Fifty-nine women - 10.9% - won. This was the highest number of women contestants and winners since 1957.

A 1996 Women Reservation Bill (WRB) proposing reservation of a third of the seats to women in the lower house of Parliament and in state legislatures has been stymied by various political parties for more than 18 years now. Women groups pushing for greater representation, for whom the failure to pass the WRB has remained a political raw nerve since, blame this on the entrenched patriarchal mindset of male politicians.

If enacted, 180 berths in the Lok Sabha would be reserved for women. Political parties opposing the WRB say a quota within the quota should be given to women from backward communities. Dalits and tribal communities already have 120 seats reserved in the Lok Sabha. In 2009, 17 women got elected under this quota.

"Many political parties had agreed to the WRB's stipulation about voluntarily giving 33% tickets to women members, legal quota aside," says Chatterji, who spearheaded the reservation movement in the late1990s with a group of other activists. Political parties have fallen far short of this.

Given women's visibly increased participation in professional spheres, public debates, and also increased voting in elections, women groups say they had hoped political parties would walk the gender talk and give at least 15 to 20% tickets to women, recognizing the major socio-political changes under way.

"Nothing is going to change in women's representation unless the [Women's Reservation] Bill is passed," says Ali.

The three main political parties - the ruling Congress party, the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party widely expected to form the new government, and the few months old Aam Aadmi Party (Common Man's Party) have all promised in their manifestos to pass the Women's Reservation Bill if voted to power.

"Unless certain attitudes are overcome it is useless to expect individual parties to put up more women candidates, and moreover where no party is obliged to do it," Malini Bhattacharya, 70, twice member of Parliament and former member of the National Commission for Women, tells IPS.

Ruth Manorama, 62, Dalit women's rights activist, who heads the National Alliance of Women, and is contesting from the Bangalore South constituency on a Janata Dal (Secular) party ticket, is more optimistic. "To give a bigger role to women in political decision making, we need to go step by step," Manorama tells IPS.

Others argue for bolder change. "Political party structures and the election process itself need drastic change if women are to participate in large numbers," says Tapashi Praharaj of AIDWA. "Women's winning ability is consistently under question, without however attempting to build them up."

"The huge funds required to fight an election today is another obstacle for women to contest elections," says Chatterji. The government raised spending limits for a candidate in this election to 7 million rupees (US$116,000).

Chatterji says while male leaders argue they cannot find suitable women candidates, there are many eligible women who have not caught the eye of political parties.

More than two million women have served in decision-making bodies in India's local governments, or panchayat raj, under the 33% seat reservation since 1993. In some states that quota has been raised to 50%. Urban local bodies too have reserved seats for women. These quotas have created a significant mass of grassroots women leaders.

India, the world's largest democracy, has a mere 11.4% women in both houses of Parliament, compared to the world average of 21.8%. Afghanistan has 27.6% women in Parliament and Pakistan 18.5%, according to 2014 data from the Geneva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union.

(Inter Press Service) http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/SOU-01-220414.html



Monday 21 April 2014

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4 Commercials Have Been Super Sexist Lately Prove Marketers Doing Same Mistakes!

APR 20 • WOMEN • 11 VIEWS • 0 COMMENTS

Seems like that one easy way to grab viewers attention (and YouTube views) is Sexist ads. Do marketers really think that is helpful?
Here are four real offensive ads from the last year in which all of them the sexism is so obvious! whether marketers had good intentions or not, you decide:
Snickers: Women Are Empowered When Men Manage Not to Objectify Them
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0gjsoSY18kg
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJs8zC-AnQk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XIVUFOnqBFw
http://www.buzzwok.com/4-commercials-have-been-super-sexist-lately-prove-marketers-doing-same-mistakes/

Friday 18 April 2014

Not a wife waiting to happen

O. J. JOYCEE


The increasing number of divorces is a major cause of anxiety for many parents, and very often at casual get-togethers, the conversation veers round to the cause of such alarming rise in divorce or separation. One of the oft-quoted reasons that has never ceased to irk me is that girls are not brought up as they used to be in the past or as they ought to be. It is lamented that in the past girls were brought up “very strictly” to be docile, obedient, patient, subservient, tolerant and never demanding. Today, they are raised “just like boys.”
Their degree of tolerance is on the decline; they have absolutely no patience, do not make any “adjustments' and have no idea of what it is to be an ‘obedient' wife and ‘humble' daughter-in-law. They question, demand and command. And if she happens to be a working woman, she expects her husband to share domestic chores and responsibilities, and so forth. Such whining and ravings about the bad girls of today and their irresponsible parents are not rare either.
This made me wonder whether girls should be brought up differently. Is there anything wrong in bringing up girls “just like boys”? Shouldn't they be taught to respect themselves, have a point of view and live out the dreams they nurtured when young? Or, should they have no dreams at all other than getting married, staying married and bearing children? I do not know what it is to bring up girls “just like boys”.
If a girl is brought up to respect herself, uphold her dignity, cherish her dreams and be happy, then she will certainly fulfil with élan the roles assigned to her by nature. She should be brought up to be a fine human being, and not a fine woman who can be easily ‘gloved' into the mould prepared for her by social convention. There is no need to train a girl to be subservient, to suffer in silence, to be meek and humble and bear her lot without complaints in order to make a marriage work. Instead, she should be motivated to be a person of integrity, with a keen sense of social values and a sense of responsibility. We should bear in mind that a girl is not a wife waiting to happen. She is first and foremost a human being, and therefore must be brought up to be a good and self-sustaining person.
It also made me wonder whether wedlock is truly marriage or bondage if the wife alone suffers in silence and willingly obliges every single wish and whim of her husband and his family, and endures all humiliation stoically and uncomplainingly. Will there be true happiness in such a marriage? If this is what made marriages in the past work, then they should be called by any name other than marriage.
While still on the subject, there is another question: should boys be brought up as they were in the past. Even today there are parents who send their boys to the so-called reputed schools that are believed to be good, for the fee is sky-high, and daughters to the local school that offer free education. Boys are brought up to believe that they are the centre of the family; that marriage is a give-and-take affair wherein he is the taker and she the giver; that he is the sole consumer in the trade of marriage, and she the commodity — not just the commodity but also a slave who comes free with the purchase. And to think that marriage is the only trade where the purchaser is not the privileged owner!
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/open-page/not-a-wife-waiting-to-happen/article2663237.ece

28, Female and Unmarried

HARISHA V.

A regular day at home starts with mother blaming father for not getting his daughter married. Cousins and friends who are my age and even younger are married with more than one kid. My parents, though supportive of my study and career aspirations, are not able to swim in a society where they have a daughter who has crossed the ‘marriageable’ age.
My neighbours who watch me tie my shoe laces daily when I get ready to go for a jog seem to murmur: “She is overweight, that’s the reason why she is not married yet. She wants to reduce her weight so that a guy would accept her.” My uncle calls up and asks my father if his daughter is in love with an ‘other-caste’ person and whether the delay stems from any consequent disputes.
I walk into my cousin’s wedding, but being unmarried I’m not allowed to participate in most of the rituals. Silently I sit back, trying to relax my over-worked mind. People gather around me to find out if I believe in the institution of marriage, in having children, and whether I’m at all interested in men. Before they get any answers, one of the aunties from the crowd advises me to try a facial so that my complexion should not be a hindrance for marriage. Another aunty asks me to perform some vrata so that the goddess who is in charge of getting girls married would be pleased and the moment would come in my life. A few aunties and uncles go straight to my parents to suggest matches they find around.
My ophthalmologist suggests that I go for Lasik surgery so that I can get rid of the glasses, and without glasses my chances of getting married would improve.
My parents thought of a better option: an astrologer. He says I suffer from kuja dosha; that’s why I am not married yet. And, if I am not married before November by performing a special puja, I won’t get married at all.
Well, the reasons are pretty legitimate in this country not to get married. But I am not married yet as I have chosen not to, yet. My reasons are personal, taking the many dimensions of my career into consideration. But, really, do I need a reason for not getting married? I just don’t feel like getting married yet. Isn’t that good enough? I would like to get married when I feel like it and when I find the right person when I have to.
I’m very clear about my objectives. I teach underprivileged kids for free in my leisure hours. I planned a city tour for them which I thought would be enjoyable and informative to them. But I had no idea my marital status would become a problem to the parents of some of those kids to send them along with me. The stereotyping of a 28-year-old unwed female was clear.
I’m left wondering: If a marriage involves a man and a woman, why isn’t that a man is ostracised for being unmarried? And if the sex ratio is declining at this rate, logic dictates that men should suffer it manifold when compared to women!
Wishing for a time when men sit down and perform vrata for marriage.http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/open-page/28-female-and-unmarried/article5906183.ece

Yes, Modi will be bad for women, but was Cong any better? by Shruti Dhapola Apr 17, 2014

Anti-rape laws, Nirbhaya protests, sexual violence in India: These are just some phrases that we've been hearing constantly since the December 16 gangrape. For once, women's rights is an issue that perhaps India's leaders can no longer ignore. Maybe that's why Rahul Gandhi kept on talking about women's empowerment in all election rallies. That's also why a Mulayam Singh or Abu Azmi face so much media and social media criticism when they claim rape is a galti and that rape victims should be hanged. In this context, it is but natural to ask what BJP's PM candidate Narendra Modi ascent to power will mean for Indian women.  In an opinion piece titled Misreading Modi, Amana Fontanella-Khan, argues in Foreign Policy magazine that Modi at the helm will be a disaster for women. What does a BJP government mean for the women's rights movement? AFP Fontanella-Khan argues in the piece that while Modi might be thundering against rape in his campaigns, his own government's record doesn't do much to boost his claims. She points out that Modi has made rape an issue of governance, which seems to be working for him.  She writes, "Many women seem to view India's current election as a referendum on governmental incompetence and corruption, which has stymied efforts to crack down on sexual assaults.. But there are other parts of Modi's record that he would prefer women -- who make up 49 percent of India's 814 million eligible voters -- to forget: A social conservative aligned with the Hindutva movement, a radical brand of political Hinduism, Modi is hardly an advocate for women's rights." She then goes on to point out how Modi's own government failed to stop rapes during the 2002 riots, and states, that "Modi's perceived unwillingness to aggressively prosecute the rapists in the years after the violence unsettled many Gujaratis." Fontanella-Khan then goes on to contrast Modi with Rahul, writing,  he is "a secularist who hails from a family of imposing matriarchs like former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, is viewed as being sympathetic to women's issues but lacking the leadership skills to bring about change."  The comparison with Rahul is one of the more problematic aspects of Khan's arguments. First, just because Indira Gandhi was PM, let's not forget that the 1975 emergency under her virtually destroyed Indian democracy. Or the fact that in 1984 the Congress-led government under Rahul's father Rajiv did nothing to control anti-Sikh riots when there were mass rapes and murders aplenty. Justice remains denied to those women till this day. And while Rahul has talked much about empowering women, the UPA-II doesn't have a very strong record on the matter either.  When the anti-rape protests were going on in Delhi, the Home Minister refused to meet the students and even drew an analogy with Maoists saying, "If Maoists wanted to talk to me, I won't go." When students protested against Narendra Modi's visit to Delhi University's Sri Ram College of Commerce, the women in this group faced rape threats from pro-Modi supporters with the police doing nothing to protect them. One protestor told The Hindu at the time, "The women were attacked by some who seemed to belong to the ABVP [Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad] and the police, who were supporting each other. The police were apparently particularly obnoxious, whistling at and groping the female students and beating them and the boys up sadistically with lathis in addition to water cannons." She also spoke about how the group threatened them with Gujarat-like consequences, chanting, "Jo Gujarat mein hua, vaise tujh me ghusa doonga" while brandishing a stick.  All of this under a Congress government both in Delhi and in the Centre, and in the name of Modi. When it comes to violence against women, none of the parties offer cause for optimism. What Khan is right to point out though that Modi's rise is certainly worrying given his future government's close ties with the Hindutva worldview whose 'ideal India woman' is submissive, sticks to 'traditions' and doesn't question patriarchy. And let's not forget that Modi's much-touted 5 Ts includes "Tradition" -- which doesn't bode well for his view of the role of women. It was also Modi who told the Wall Street Journal that malnutrition was high in Gujarat due to the 'beauty conscious' middle class girls. "The middle class is more beauty-conscious than health-conscious-that is a challenge. If a mother tells her daughter to have milk, they'll have a fight-she'll tell her mother, 'I won't drink milk. I'll get fat,'" he had said. Incidentally the answer was in response to being asked about the fact that "about half of Gujarati children under five were stunted, or too short for their age, as of 2006, according to the latest available figures from the Indian government." Surely, no woman can be enthused about a prime minister who chooses to blame beauty-conscious girls for skewing the abysmal data on nutrition. As Urvashi Butalia told AFP, "The BJP has never been particularly known for its progressive attitudes toward women, and there's no reason to believe a Modi government would be good news for women."  Fontanella-Khan concludes,"[A] Modi win would likely embolden Hindutva organizations nationally, which have been kept in check by the ruling secular Congress party. This would not bode well for women's rights, which has to do with more than just safe streets."  This is perhaps more pertinent point that needs focus. Fringe groups such as Sri Ram Sene, which was responsible for the 2009 Mangalore pub attack on women, have done quite well thanks to RSS and BJP support. In fact, it was only popular outrage that caused BJP to withdraw the induction of Sri Ram Sene's chief Pramod Muthalik into the party. Feminist groups aren't entirely wrong to fear that such groups could see increased patronage under Modi's reign. While Modi has never openly supported moral policing, it is easy to see him turning a blind eye to such policing by a Hindutva fringe emboldened by the presence of their man in the gaddi. More worryingly, no one is asking him to promise that he won't. In the many interviews that he's given during this elections, there have been innumerable questions about riots and Muslims, but nary one about his party's patriarchal views of women. And that should worry us most of all. ALSO SEE Elections 2014: No sign of Modi wave in rural Karnataka Rahul attacks Modi over snoopgate scandal in New Delhi rally 'Revenge' speech: 2 FIRs against Amit Shah, faces EC scrutiny RELATED VIDEOS Modi supporters, haters turn to blows on CNN-IBN's Open Mike in Meerut Those 49 days: Kejriwal plays down future to defend past Action against Amit Shah? EC asks for tapes of UP 'revenge' speech 

Read more at: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/modi-indeed-will-be-bad-for-women-but-was-cong-any-better-1484151.html?utm_source=ref_article

missleading modi

The controversial front-runner is campaigning against rape, but he may be disastrous for India's women. 

on a balmy December day on the outskirts of New Delhi, thousands of people poured into a dusty field to hear Narendra Modi speak. The combative 63-year-old politician, sporting a neatly trimmed silver beard, frameless glasses, and light beige tunic, took the stage one year after a brutal December 2012 gang rape in India's capital sparked nationwide protests. Tens of thousands of rapes are reported in India each year, yet few are brought to trial and even fewer are successfully prosecuted. Of the 706 rape cases filed in 2012, only one has resulted in a conviction. "Remember Nirbhaya!" Modi bellowed to the crowd. The politician invoked the name -- meaning "fearless one," which the public gave to the gang-rape victim -- to push a message for the parliamentary election, taking place in April and May, which Modi's opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is likely to win by a wide margin, earning him the prime minister's seat. Delhi, he said at the rally, has "earned a bad name as the rape capital. When you vote, do not forget this."
For Modi, it is advantageous to couch rape in the context of governance, where his strength as a candidate lies. The chief minister of the state of Gujarat since 2001, Modi has staked his candidacy on his home state's strong economic performance and has positioned himself as the pragmatic pro-business alternative to his leading challenger, Rahul Gandhi of the incumbent Congress party. Many women seem to view India's current election as a referendum on governmental incompetence and corruption, which has stymied efforts to crack down on sexual assaults. (There are no reliable polls measuring Modi's popularity with women voters.) It is here that Modi, with his strong law-and-order credentials, has been successful. But there are other parts of Modi's record that he would prefer women -- who make up 49 percent of India's 814 million eligible voters -- to forget: A social conservative aligned with the Hindutva movement, a radical brand of political Hinduism, Modi is hardly an advocate for women's rights.
In February 2002, just five months after Modi assumed office, clashes between Hindus and Muslims broke out in Gujarat after a train carrying Hindu pilgrims returning from the holy city of Ayodhya was set on fire. The resulting three days of rioting left an estimated 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus dead. Scores of women, many of whom were Muslim, were raped during the pogroms, according to Amnesty International.
While a 2012 report by a Supreme Court–appointed investigative team exonerated Modi from any wrongdoing, India's National Human Rights Commission, a government agency, found that Modi's administrationfailed "to control the persistent violation of the rights to life, liberty, equality and dignity of the people of the State." Modi's perceived unwillingness to aggressively prosecute the rapists in the years after the violence unsettled many Gujaratis.
Even for those who believe Modi was innocent in 2002, his politics come with baggage: The BJP is the standard-bearer for Hindutva -- literally, Hindu-ness -- a conservative ideology that enshrines problematic gender identities in its vision of Hindu culture. The leaders of the Hindu right, including Modi, "fashioned an image of Indian masculinity as aggressive and warlike," wrote Martha Nussbaum, a philosopher and academic at the University of Chicago, in her 2007 book, The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future.
Hindutva ideologues often celebrate women who are sexually pure, subservient, and domestic.
Hindutva ideologues often celebrate women who are sexually pure, subservient, and domestic. Mohan Bhagwat, the head of the right-wing Hindutva organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which Modicampaigned with in his 20s and 30s, reportedly said in January 2013 that when "women living in cities follow a Western lifestyle," rape happens.
Domination over Hindu women "lie[s] deep in the Hindu right's political consciousness," wrote Nussbaum, a comment echoed by others. Urvashi Butalia, who co-founded Kali for Women, India's first feminist publishing house, told AFP, "The BJP has never been particularly known for its progressive attitudes toward women, and there's no reason to believe a Modi government would be good news for women." (By contrast, Modi's leading challenger, Gandhi of the Congress party, a secularist who hails from a family of imposing matriarchs like former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, is viewed as being sympathetic to women's issues but lacking the leadership skills to bring about change.)
Still, Modi is unapologetic about his Hindutva links. Last summer, the BJP plastered Mumbai with posters depicting Modi above a slogan that read "I am Hindu Nationalist." He tries to balance the Hindutva message with pro-development statements like "My identity is of a Hindutvawadi [Hindutva-ist], but I say build toilets before you build temples." Yet amid his message of economic growth, his edgier religious rhetoric remains: In July he accused Congress of hiding behind the "burqa of secularism."
The only scandal associated with Modi and women broke in November 2013, when the investigative news sites Gulail.com and Cobrapost.comalleged that Modi had used state intelligence agencies and anti-terrorism squad officers in 2009 to stalk a young woman for at least two months. In what the Indian media is dubbing "Stalkgate" or "Snoopgate," the sites claimed to have obtained audiotapes on which Amit Shah, then Gujarat's home minister, is heard ordering a high-ranking police officer to snoop on the woman at the behest of "saheb" -- an honorific often used for Modi. The BJP does not deny that the woman was monitored: The party circulated a letter to the press allegedly written by the father of the woman stating that the police were only looking out for "her own interest, safety and security." (When reached for comment, BJP spokesperson M.J. Akbar said that the stalking claims are "a lie that has been planted by the government.") That a person accused of surveilling a woman is running for prime minister "is really quite shocking," says Kavita Krishnan, secretary of the All India Progressive Women's Association, a left-wing women's association.
In terms of general competence, however, voters credit Modi with keeping crime and corruption down in his home state of Gujarat. "He has maintained very good law and order in Gujarat," says Brahma Chellaney, one of India's leading strategic thinkers. In the state's urban centers "you see women walking by themselves late at the night, which you don't see in other big Indian cities. His success in enforcing law and order and his record in combating corruption definitely appeal to women voters."
Asifa Khan, a national executive committee member of the BJP's minority wing, a group dedicated to addressing the concerns of minorities, and one of Modi's most prominent Muslim women backers,said in February 2013 that "his popularity among women is phenomenal. Women in Gujarat are grateful that they can roam about freely even late at night." Modi hopes that his perceived track record of bureaucratic competence will be enough to attract women's support. Given that governance, along with the economy, is a top priority for all constituencies in this election, voters might overlook his problematic history.
But a Modi win would likely embolden Hindutva organizations nationally, which have been kept in check by the ruling secular Congress party. This would not bode well for women's rights, which has to do with more than just safe streets. "He has not made a single statement which really represents a progressive agenda for women," says Krishnan, who played a key role in organizing the 2012 Delhi gang-rape protest; she added that for women, "his victory would represent a nightmare."
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2014/04/14/misreading_narendra_modi_women_india